Wagner - famously used to support Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine - allegedly taught assault tactics and use of kamikaze drones during the summer months.

The claims came from Ukraine’s national resistance centre after being passed intelligence by Russian and Belarusian sources.

A spokesman for the centre, established by the Ukrainian army’s special operations forces, said: “Instructors of the Russian internationally-recognised criminal organisation Wagner PMC trained militants of the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas to attack Israel.”

During the Summer, Wagner fighters billeted in Belarus are understood to have left for Africa. Once there, they were “involved in training and transferring combat experience to Hamas militants,” according to the Ukrainians.

“Key training areas for Hamas militants were assault training and the use of small drones to drop explosive materials,” the spokesman for Ukraine’s national resistance centre said. “Only the Russians, among allies of Hamas, have experience in using drones with mechanisms for dropping explosives on enemy equipment.

“This is exactly what the Wagner mercenaries trained Hamas militants to do during exercises in Africa.”

The Ukrainians said information came from sources in the Belarusian resistance.

Russia’s aim was supposedly to create chaos and detract the West’s attention from the war in Ukraine, forcing its supply of weapons and resources to be redirected to Israel.

The claim that the Wagner Group has been actively involved in training Hamas was also made by Russian anti-Putin channel General SVR, which alleged it was approved by the Kremlin. “Representatives of the Wagner PMC [Private Military Company] and the Redut PMC took part in the preparation of Hamas militants for an attack on Israel, in coordination with the Russian leadership,” the channel said.

Wagner - set up with the close involvement of Russian GRU military intelligence - was headed by formerly close Putin associate Yevgeny Prigozhin, who was killed in a mysterious plane crash near Moscow on 23 August soon after returning from Africa.

There is speculation he was assassinated on Kremlin orders for leading an armed mutiny against Putin’s war commanders, or because he harboured political ambitions or knew too many secrets regarding the dictator.

Since his death the Wagner forces have been partly integrated into the Russian military, or disbanded. Separately, Kyiv has also accused Russia of supplying terrorist organisation Hamas with Nato weapons captured in the war in Ukraine.

Ukrainian military intelligence - headed by Lt-Gen Kyrylo Budanov - said: “The Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine informs that the Russian GRU [military intelligence] has already transferred captured weapons made in the USA and EU countries to Hamas terrorists.

“The next step, according to the Russians’ plan, should be false accusations of the Ukrainian military of selling Western weapons to terrorists on a regular basis.”

KYIV, Ukraine — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Sunday welcomed Russia's offer for direct peace talks, but insisted there must be a full, temporary ceasefire in place before negotiations can start.

Zelenskyy, writing on X, called Russian President Vladimir Putin's counter-offer to start talks without a ceasefire a "positive sign," and said that "the entire world has been waiting for this for a very long time."

He added, however, that "the very first step in truly ending any war is a ceasefire."

Meanwhile, Russia resumed mass drone attacks in Ukraine early on Sunday, after its self-declared 3-day pause expired.

Russia launched 108 attack drones and simulator drones from six different directions, Ukraine's Air Force said on Sunday. It said 60 drones were shot down and another 41 simulator drones failed to reach targets due to Ukrainian countermeasures.

The Russian Defense Ministry on Sunday accused Ukraine of "violating" Moscow's three-day ceasefire more than 14,000 times. Ukraine has also accused Russia of violating its own truce, with the Ukrainian foreign minister calling it a farce.

Ukraine did not agree to the May 8-10 ceasefire Russia unilaterally declared and accused Russia of repeatedly violating it.

The Ukrainian president appeared to insist on his proposal to start a 30-day unconditional ceasefire on Monday. "There is no point in continuing the killing even for a single day. We expect Russia to confirm a ceasefire — full, lasting, and reliable — starting tomorrow, May 12th, and Ukraine is ready to meet," Zelenskyy said.

Putin in remarks to the media overnight effectively rejected that ceasefire offer and proposed restarting direct talks with Ukraine in Istanbul on Thursday instead "without preconditions." He said a ceasefire might be agreed on during the negotiations.

Putin's counteroffer came after leaders from four major European countries threatened to ratchet up pressure on Moscow if it does not accept an unconditional 30-day ceasefire in Ukraine that they offered on Saturday in a strong show of unity with Kyiv.

In a social media post several hours after Putin's remarks, U.S. President Donald Trump said it was "a potentially great day for Russia and Ukraine!"

"I will continue to work with both sides to make sure that it happens. The USA wants to focus, instead, on Rebuilding and Trade. A BIG week upcoming!" he added.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, in comments aired by Russian state TV on Sunday, called Putin's proposal "very serious" and said it "confirms a real intention for find a peaceful solution."

"The goals of the talks are clear: to eliminate the root causes of the conflict. And also to ensure the interests of the Russian Federation," Peskov said.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan told France's Emmanuel Macron in a telephone call that Turkey was ready to contribute to peace between Russia and Ukraine, including hosting negotiations to "establish ceasefire and lasting peace."

During the call Sunday, Erdogan said a "historic turning point" had been reached in efforts to end the war, according to a statement from the Turkish presidential communications office.

The Cold War, spanning from the end of World War II to the early 1990s, was marked by ideological, military, and political tensions between the Western bloc, led by the United States, and the Eastern bloc, spearheaded by the Soviet Union. This bipolar world order manifested in proxy wars, arms races, and an intricate web of espionage activities. Intelligence agencies like the CIA and the KGB or Committee for State Security (Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti in Russian), became essential players in this power struggle, expanding their influence far beyond traditional diplomatic channels. Intelligence became a weapon of strategic warfare, where coded messages, double agents, and black operations held as much power as conventional arms.

Israel, a young state established in 1948, found itself in the midst of this ideological confrontation. Despite its alignment with the United States and Western Europe, Israel engaged in limited, pragmatic relationships with actors in the Soviet sphere when it served its national interests. Mossad, Israel’s intelligence agency, emerged as one of the most sophisticated intelligence services globally, sometimes cooperating with or navigating around the KGB’s sphere of influence. These unusual interactions, often through third-party actors or covert diplomacy, show that espionage in the Cold War era was shaped more by strategic imperatives than ideological loyalties.

Cooperation Amid Rivalry

Though Mossad and the KGB represented ideologically opposed nations, certain geopolitical interests led to tactical cooperation. One example was Mossad’s involvement in securing Jewish emigration from the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc countries. Romania, often acting as an intermediary, accepted Israeli payments to facilitate Jewish departures, with the tacit knowledge of Soviet authorities. These operations were strategically managed by the KGB due to their economic and diplomatic advantages. Another example is the indirect intelligence interplay during the 1967 Six-Day War. Although the USSR supported Arab nations, the KGB refrained from acting directly against Israeli operations despite having knowledge of Israeli military movements. Some scholars suggest that both Mossad and KGB officers deliberately avoided steps that might escalate the situation into direct superpower confrontation.

Backchannels and Shared Threats

Third-party intermediaries like East Germany’s Stasi and Poland’s SB often acted as channels for communication or intelligence flow between Mossad and the KGB. During the 1970s, backdoor negotiations took place in neutral cities like Vienna, where Israeli officials and Soviet intermediaries quietly exchanged information on Jewish refuseniks. Mossad’s strategic restraint in certain Soviet-aligned states indicated a form of unspoken coordination to avoid clashes.

Additionally, both Mossad and the KGB had shared concerns about non-state actors. Palestinian organizations like the PFLP and Black September posed operational risks. Although some of these groups received Soviet support, when they destabilized Soviet regions—particularly in Central Asia—the KGB took action. Mossad reportedly passed on intelligence, directly or via intermediaries, on extremist cells influencing Soviet Muslims, which the KGB utilized to maintain internal stability.

Beyond bilateral maneuvering, a notable element of Mossad–KGB interaction involved neutral countries that hosted covert dialogues and facilitated intelligence transactions. Austria, Finland, and Switzerland—countries that maintained political neutrality—served as unofficial meeting points for intelligence intermediaries. These states provided plausible deniability for both sides and minimized the risk of diplomatic fallout. In Vienna, Soviet Jewish activists and Israeli diplomats occasionally convened under the watch of both Mossad and KGB agents, revealing a tacit understanding of each agency’s interest in ensuring these meetings remained controlled rather than disrupted.

Another illustrative example involves East Germany’s Ministry for State Security (Stasi), which maintained formal ties with the KGB while engaging in backchannel communications with Mossad. Declassified Stasi archives indicate an awareness of Israeli covert activity in Berlin, yet they rarely intervened—possibly due to broader Soviet-Israeli efforts to avoid direct conflict in intelligence operations on German soil. These neutral spaces and third-party conduits allowed both agencies to manage sensitive operations with limited friction, highlighting the subtle art of Cold War intelligence diplomacy.

Both sides had overlapping interests in war crimes and intelligence monitoring. Following World War II, both Mossad and the KGB sought to track down former Nazi operatives. The capture of Adolf Eichmann in Argentina by Mossad in 1960 occurred under the watchful eye of the Soviets. Though not formally involved, the KGB refrained from interfering with the operation, likely due to shared anti-fascist sentiments that aligned with Soviet propaganda. Figures like Shabtai Kalmanovich, a double agent, also bridged both agencies. While feeding the KGB with Israeli intelligence, he also worked within Israeli circles, embodying the blurred lines of Cold War espionage. His case reflects the extent to which individuals could serve both camps under the complex motivations of ideology, finance, and power.

Such cases illustrate that, while Mossad and KGB rarely collaborated overtly, they exploited overlapping interests and utilized intermediaries to manage risk, exchange information, and maintain a degree of strategic stability.

Post-Cold War Cooperation: After the Cold War, remnants of Mossad-KGB interactions continued through cooperation with the FSB, Russia’s successor to the KGB. Intelligence sharing on counterterrorism and organized crime, especially concerning Russian-Jewish immigrants, characterized the pragmatic shift in relations. The historical precedent of Cold War-era intelligence pragmatism helped pave the way for these ties.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the geopolitical landscape underwent significant transformations, prompting intelligence agencies to reassess and adapt their strategies. The KGB’s successor, the Federal Security Service (FSB), inherited not only the infrastructure but also the operational ethos of its predecessor. Concurrently, Israel’s Mossad faced the challenge of navigating a world where traditional Cold War dynamics had shifted, necessitating new alliances and operational paradigms.

One of the earliest instances of Mossad-FSB collaboration emerged in the realm of counterterrorism. The rise of Islamist extremism, particularly in the North Caucasus region, posed threats that transcended national boundaries. The tragic Beslan school siege in 2004, perpetrated by Chechen militants, underscored the urgency for international cooperation. In the aftermath, Israel extended support to Russia, emphasizing the shared imperative to combat terrorism. This gesture was not merely symbolic; it paved the way for intelligence-sharing initiatives aimed at thwarting similar threats.

The influx of Russian-speaking immigrants to Israel during the 1990s further intertwined the security interests of both nations. This demographic shift introduced complexities, including the potential for organized crime networks with transnational reach. Recognizing the mutual benefits, Mossad and the FSB engaged in joint operations targeting these criminal enterprises. Such collaborations were instrumental in dismantling syndicates involved in activities ranging from narcotics trafficking to cybercrime. However, the relationship was not devoid of challenges. Divergent national interests occasionally led to tensions, particularly concerning espionage activities. Instances of mutual surveillance and counterintelligence operations highlighted the underlying mistrust that persisted despite cooperative endeavors. Nevertheless, both agencies demonstrated a pragmatic approach, often compartmentalizing contentious issues to maintain collaboration in areas of shared concern.

Mossad-FSB interaction in 21^st century: The evolution of cyber threats in the 21^st century introduced another dimension to Mossad-FSB interactions. Recognizing the vulnerabilities posed by cyberattacks, both agencies acknowledged the necessity of information exchange to bolster their defensive capabilities. This mutual recognition has led to discreet collaborations aimed at countering shared cyber adversaries. One notable example is the intelligence exchange regarding ransomware groups that have targeted financial and governmental institutions in both nations. These joint efforts helped trace cybercriminal operations originating from transnational networks, particularly those using cryptocurrency obfuscation to evade law enforcement.

Additionally, both agencies have confronted non-state actors utilizing cyber tools for disruptive operations, including politically motivated attacks on election infrastructure and disinformation campaigns. While Russia and Israel often find themselves on opposing sides in geopolitical disputes, cooperation in the cyber domain has remained focused and compartmentalized, with operational discussions taking place in backchannel diplomatic engagements. Israel’s leadership in cyber defense, particularly through its Cyber Directorate and collaboration with Unit 8200, has offered valuable frameworks that Russia’s FSB has at times studied and adapted in the context of securing state infrastructure. Joint simulation exercises, reportedly hosted in neutral third-party states, have allowed operatives from both agencies to test cybersecurity readiness against malware deployment and AI-based attack simulations, strengthening both countries’ strategic resilience. Even though comprehensive details of such collaborations remain classified, open-source analyses suggest periodic dialogues aimed at addressing cyber threats emanating from non-state actors.

Conclusion

Despite clear ideological antagonism, Mossad and the KGB occasionally found mutual interest in shared goals—Jewish migration, managing regional conflict, counterterrorism, and even historical justice. The Cold War’s complexity extended to intelligence interactions that were shaped by necessity rather than ideology. In recent years, the geopolitical realignments, particularly Russia’s involvement in Middle Eastern affairs, have added layers of complexity to the Mossad-FSB dynamic. The foundational principle of pragmatic engagement, established in the post-Cold War era, continues to guide interactions between the two agencies. While cooperation continues in specific domains, broader strategic divergences, especially concerning Iran and Syria, have influenced the depth and scope of intelligence-sharing initiatives. This nuanced cooperation between rival agencies underscores the flexibility and realpolitik at the heart of Cold War intelligence.

[Image Credit: AI-generated illustration created with OpenAI tools (2025)]

Dr. Divya Malhotra is a researcher with Centre for National Security Studies, Bangalore. She is an economist by training and holds a PhD in Israel’s foreign policy from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.

CNN  — 

As President Donald Trump prepares for the first major foreign trip to the Middle East of his second term, some administration officials have privately turned to a familiar face for help navigating the region: Jared Kushner.

The president’s son-in-law, who served as a chief Middle East negotiator in Trump’s first term and built deep relationships with leaders in the region, has been informally advising administration officials on negotiations with Arab leaders, multiple Trump administration officials and people close to Kushner tell CNN. Though Kushner is unlikely to join Trump on the trip, he has been heavily involved in discussions with Arab nations, including Saudi Arabia, about signing agreements that would normalize diplomatic relations with Israel, the sources said.

The president’s top priority next week is to procure “economic agreements” with Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, his three stops on the trip, that would enhance their investments in America, the sources said. But Kushner and other Trump advisers have also been privately plotting the more ambitious goal of expanding the Abraham Accords, the treaties negotiated during Trump’s first term between several Arab Nations and Israel, the sources said.

“That is a topic of discussion,” one senior White House official told CNN.

Kushner was central to getting the UAE, which Trump is also visiting next week, to sign the normalization agreement in 2020. He has been closely advising the broader Trump team on how to approach sensitive talks with Saudi leaders on the trip, the sources said. Kushner’s role in helping guide officials for the trip has not been previously reported.

People involved in the discussions said the Trump administration is under no illusion that they will leave the Middle East having struck a deal with Riyadh. But they view the face-to-face meetings between Trump and Saudi leaders as a prime opportunity to make progress.

“We fully expect other countries to sign (agreements) first before Saudi,” one senior Trump administration official involved in the talks said, adding that Trump officials are engaged in conversations with a “wide range of countries.”

The White House views Kushner as critical to helping clinch such agreements.

“When it comes to the Middle East, Jared is an expert,” a second senior administration official told CNN. “He knows all the players and is one of the few people who has the ear of the Arab leaders, as well as the Israelis.”

Trump critics and some former diplomats have noted that Kushner has business interests in the region, which complicates his involvement. Shortly after leaving Washington, he founded Affinity Partners, an investment firm which received significant backing from sovereign wealth funds in the Gulf.

“Mr. Kushner led some of the first Administration’s biggest successes, including the historic Abraham Accords to help bring peace to the Middle East. There is no question this Administration values his expertise and welcomes his advice on all areas where he is willing to be helpful,” White House communications director Steven Cheung said in a statement to CNN.

The dynamics in the Middle East have changed significantly since Trump’s first term. Hamas’s October 7, 2023 terrorist attacks and the ensuing war in Gaza has caused a renewed rift between Israel and its Arab neighbors.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the country’s de facto leader, has stated unequivocally that Riyadh won’t normalize relations with Israel until there is a clear path for Palestinian statehood and a permanent end to the war in Gaza — neither of which appears imminent.

The Gaza ceasefire agreement that Trump took credit for at the start of his term is in tatters. And Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said he is launching a new, more intensive phase of the war in Gaza, though an Israeli official has said it would begin after Trump’s visit.

How Trump plans to bridge the divide with Prince bin Salman remains unclear. But, people close to Kushner say he believes there are proposals the administration can offer to the crown prince that would soften his stance on joining the Accords only if Palestinians have a clear pathway to statehood. The people declined to offer specifics about what the proposals would entail. Kushner developed a close personal relationship with Prince bin Salman during the first Trump administration — the two often communicated via WhatsApp — and they still speak frequently, sources familiar with their relationship said.

“There’s a way, and Jared’s thought about this a lot. He thinks outside the box. But there’s a way to potentially solve that part for the Saudis and have them start taking steps toward normalization,” one of the senior administration officials involved in the talks said.

The president’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff — who has taken on a far more expansive portfolio that also includes serving as the point person on negotiations with Russia and Iran — told an audience at the Israeli embassy in Washington this week that he expected an expansion of the Abraham Accords soon.

“We think will have some or a lot of announcements very, very shortly,” said Witkoff, who is expected to accompany Trump on his visit to the Middle East.

Trump will travel with a large delegation to the Middle East, including several cabinet secretaries and high-ranking officials. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent are expected to fly to the region, separately from Trump, to participate in meetings. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick is also expected to join the delegation. The majority of senior staff at the White House, including Chief of Staff Susie Wiles and Trump’s slate of deputy chiefs will also be accompanying the president, senior White House officials tell CNN.

“There were a lot of people who wanted to be a part of this trip,” one administration official said of the large delegation.

Kushner, who is unlikely to go, does not have, nor want, a formal role in Trump’s second term, sources said. But he has continued to be a crucial player behind the scenes on Middle East talks, the sources said.

“He likes having the freedom to do what he does. He wants to operate behind the scenes until he has something successful he can more publicly point to,” one of the senior administration officials said.

Some of Kushner’s involvement is attributable to his close personal relationship with Witkoff, sources said.

Trump administration officials and people close to Kushner tell CNN that the two have been in regular contact since the president’s transition, with Kushner often offering Witkoff advice on his dealings with Arab leaders. Witkoff is expected to travel with the president to the region next week, three Trump administration officials said.

“He’s been able to help Steve (Witkoff) get connected with folks there, he gives Steve input,” one of the officials said.

“He’s been Witkoff’s biggest champion, helping him understand the issues and navigate the personalities,” another official told CNN. “He’s comfortable being in the background.”

Kushner was at the White House on Tuesday for Witkoff’s swearing-in ceremony. In addition to advising Witkoff, Kushner has met on occasion with Rubio, who is also currently serving as the president’s interim National Security Adviser.

CNN’s Kevin Liptak contributed to this report.